Discussion Questions Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words - 10

Discussion Questions - Essay Example ncludes, but is not limited to, knowledge of the activities of competitors such as their sales and marketing strategies, price points, research and development, patents, mergers and acquisitions, hirings and firings, and so on. Besides this knowledge of what other competing companies are doing, it also includes knowing for example, relevant regulatory legislation such as deregulation and pollution standards, and awareness of new markets, emerging technologies, new competitors and public opinion etc. Knowledge of all the above-mentioned factors that impinge on the competitive environment contributes to a more complete understanding of multinational and global market research by providing the company already present or wishing to engage in this environment a profound insight into everything that can directly affect it. For example, legislation on safety standards would make it necessary for the company to conform to them; taking advantage of new technologies could help to improve the manufacture and assembly processes, communication systems, marketing and distribution networks etc. And, scarcity in the availability of raw materials could mean that the company would have to make alternative arrangements or seek new supply channels. Marketing fundamentals dictate that market knowledge should be used to increase sales but existing or returning customers help to perpetuate sales. So, in a highly competitive and especially shrinking market, customer satisfaction becomes all the more important. It is usually easier to try and keep current customers by keeping them satisfied that it is to seek out potential new customers. â€Å"Competitors that are prospering in the new global economy recognize that measuring customer satisfaction is key.† (Cacioppo, 2000) This way they can not only hold on to existing customers but also learn better to attract new ones. In the mobile phone industry for example, customers are normally subscribed to one cellular network. However, it is a

Pay Equity In Labor Force Movement Essay Example for Free

Pay Equity In Labor Force Movement Essay Debates about women’s rights at work and the gendered dimensions of employment inequality were notable and contested features of Canadian political discourse throughout the second half of the twentieth century. Concern about these issues took root during the 1940s, when women experienced dramatic shifts in their employment opportunities as a result of being drawn into and later jettisoned from the reserve army of wartime labor. Pressure to improve women’s employment conditions, particularly in the burgeoning public sector, recurred in the mid-1950s. However, it was in the 1960s, once the second wave of feminism took root in Canada, that women began to develop a sustained critique of the employment inequalities they experienced and pressure their governments to address the problem through policy innovation and change. (Westhues, 45-58) From the outset of second-wave feminism, women advanced analyses of employment inequality that took account of their labor in both the public and domestic spheres. As Brockman noted, activists â€Å"drew attention, as had never been done before, to the fundamental incompatibility between reproductive labor and child care, on the one hand, and paid work on the other, as well as to the profound consequences of this incompatibility. † (Brockman, 78-93) While liberal, radical, and socialist feminists approached this issue from different ideological vantage points, they shared a common belief that the causes of gender inequality in employment were not rooted solely in the workplace. Only, they claimed, if questions about women’s employment in the public sphere were addressed in tandem with questions about their labor in the domestic sphere would the gendered dimensions of employment inequality be fully understood. In particular, feminists thought that women’s maternal work had to be recognized in discussions about promoting gender equality in the workplace. As Westhues, a well-known socialist feminist, once argued, â€Å"As long as women have the primary responsibility for maintenance of the home and for child care, we will be less than able to pursue job opportunities and our domestic commitments will be used to justify discriminatory employment practices. † (Westhues, 45-58) Growing awareness of the need to link questions about production and reproduction in analyses of women’s economic position was by no means unique to Canadian feminism. It was, for example, well established in the early writing of second-wave feminists in Britain and the United States. What did, however, distinguish Canadian feminists from their counterparts in these other liberal democracies was an ability to work together, despite ideological differences, in order to advance this double-edged critique of gender inequality in employment. Right from the start of the contemporary women’s movement, Canadian feminists engaged with the state, demanding policies that recognized the link between women’s employment opportunities and the provision of child care. Canadian feminists lobbied both federal and provincial governments about the need to improve women’s employment opportunities and expand the provision of child care. It was in the federal arena, however, that women (outside Quebec) focused their demands for the development of policies that acknowledged the link between these two issues. In some respects, this federal focus was surprising. After all, only one-tenth of the Canadian labor force is regulated by the federal government, and even at the start of second-wave feminism both federal and provincial governments had been involved in employment opportunity and child care initiatives. Moreover, even though the federal government has the constitutional capacity to use its spending power to underwrite the provision of state-subsidized child care, it is the provinces that retain constitutional control over the delivery of this service. The federal focus of women’s campaigns was encouraged by the fact that the renaissance of Canadian feminism occurred within the context of a broader social project to achieve universal welfare guarantees, assured by the Canadian state. It was reinforced by the government of Canada’s decision to establish the 1967 Royal Commission on the Status of Women (RCSW) to inquire how best the federal government could ensure that women enjoyed â€Å"equal opportunities with men in all aspects of Canadian society. † It has since been sustained by the work of activists in national organizations, in particular the National Action Committee on the Status of Women (NAC), founded in 1972, and the Canadian Day Care Advocacy Association (CDCAA), established in 1982 and renamed the Child Care Advocacy Association of Canada (CCAAC) in 1992. However, despite a long history of feminist engagement with the federal state, women’s repeated campaigns for the development of policies to address the double-edged nature of gender inequality in employment, and the clear recognition of these demands in reports of royal commissions and task forces, the federal policy response has been uneven. Policies to eradicate sex discrimination at work and promote women’s employment opportunities have been developed and implemented in the federal policy sphere. By contrast, the federal government has not developed policies to promote a publicly funded system of child care in order to enhance women’s employment opportunities, save as emergency measures during the Second World War or as an element of broader initiatives to get â€Å"welfare mothers† out to work. Instead it has treated child care as a fiscal issue for which parents can receive subsidies through federal taxation. This paper examines why a double-edged interpretation of women’s employment inequality, which recognizes the public and domestic dimensions of women’s work, has not been fully absorbed into federal policies to promote gender equality in the sphere of employment. The analysis follows the development of debates about women’s rights at work from the period of reconstruction after the Second World War, when questions about eradicating employment discrimination against worker-citizens first emerged in Canadian political debate, through to the close of the twentieth century. It examines federal policy developments under Liberal and Conservative governments, showing that even though the reports of federal royal commissions and task forces encoded feminist demands for a double-edged attack on employment inequality, questions about promoting women’s employment equality and child care were continually driven apart in the federal policy process. Women’s Paid and Caring Work  While this is by no means the first time that scholars have considered the relationship between Canadian women’s work inside and outside the home, it is noticeable how the link between these two aspects of women’s labor was explored by historians and sociologists before being addressed by analysts of public policy. In the late 1970s, members of the Women’s History Collective at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education and the Clio Collective in Montreal pioneered research in Canada on how women’s labor had shifted from the unpaid domestic sphere into the world of paid employment. In the process, they unearthed textual and oral histories that demonstrated how, despite this transition, women still faced the double bind of a double-day in which they went out to work for pay and home to work for love. Their findings were reinforced in late 1970s and 1980s by sociological analyses of women’s work arguing that because women so often entered employment while maintaining primary responsibility for the care of their children, they frequently found themselves concentrated in low-paid, low-status employment. Despite the fact that historians, sociologists, and feminist activists drew attention to the â€Å"double ghetto† of women’s working lives, discussions about policies to promote women’s employment opportunities and improve the provision of child care evolved as distinct scholarly debates. The literature on policies to promote Canadian women’s employment opportunities emerged within the context of broader discussions and debates about the development of policies to root out discrimination in the workplace. By contrast, the literature on Canadian child care policy evolved around questions about the development, cost, and politics of implementing public policies to promote the welfare, education, care, and development of young children. In recent years, however, policy analysts have paid much greater attention to the link between women’s paid and caring work. Jacobs, 120-128) Nonetheless, no one has yet considered why Canadian government policies to promote women’s employment opportunities and improve the provision of child care have been developed at such different rates and, despite repeated calls to the contrary, not linked in the design of public policies to promote gender equality in federally regulated employment. This pattern of inquiry is understandable, given the discrete historical development of policies concerned with child care and those concerned with women’s employment. However, it unduly limits our understanding of the gendered dimensions of employment inequality in Canada and fails to capture the empirical reality of many women’s working lives. Double-Edged Nature of Women’s Employment Inequality Why did women’s double-edged demand for equal employment opportunities and child care emerge in Canada in the 1960s and 1970s? After all, from the mid-1950s Canada experienced one of the fastest rates of labor force feminization in the Western industrialized world. The decline of manufacturing industries and the concomitant growth of the tertiary sector in the 1950s and 1960s meant that while industries that had traditionally attracted men closed down, those demanding support skills that had long characterized women’s traditional domestic roles expanded. Moreover, in countries like Canada, where welfare states were being established, the growth in women’s employment intensified most quickly. The much trumpeted rise in female labor force participation rates did not, however, mean that women engaged in paid employment on the same terms as men. The occupational segregation of Canadian men and women persisted in both horizontal and vertical forms. In fact, this process intensified with the increased participation of women in the paid labor force. As a result, the vast majority of women found themselves working in poorly paid occupations, situated in the lower echelons of private companies and public sector organizations. Moreover, as Jacobs have noted, although the creation of welfare states meant that â€Å"women as a group had more employment opportunities open up for them than men† in the mid-twentieth century, the growth in women’s employment was in the part-time sector of the labor force, which was increasingly dominated by women in all OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development) countries. Jacobs, 120-128) This simply intensified the inequalities of employment opportunity that women experienced because part-time work is concentrated in the least-skilled, lowest-paid, and most poorly organized sections of the labor force, where benefits are usually more limited than in the full-time sector. The rapid growth in women’s participation in part-time rather than fulltime employment reflects two other factors about the feminization of the Canadian labor force. On the one hand, it relates to the type of work that the service sector has generated and to the increasing flexibility demanded of its employees. On the other hand, it reflects the fact that the greatest increase in female labor force participation rates since the 1960s has been among women with young children. In the early 1960s, most female employees in Canada would leave the workforce when their first child was born and return only when their youngest child had entered school. By the mid-1980s most women with young children went out to work. Indeed, as Pendakur have noted, â€Å"By 1991 all traces of the reproduction function had disappeared with female labor force participation rates peaking in the major family-rearing age categories†. The double burden that women experience from juggling their employment while continuing to care for their children has been reinforced by the limited provision of subsidized child care spaces in Canada. In the late 1960s, when women began to pressure the federal government to address the minimal provision of child care for working women, federal subsidies for child care were limited to support for welfare mothers under the 1966 Canada Assistance Plan. This pattern changed very little in the course of the twentieth century, although federal subsidies to support child care for low-income families became increasingly tied to efforts to get mothers receiving welfare out to work. Although recent federal publications on the status of day care in Canada boast â€Å"a twenty-five-fold increase† in child care spaces since the government first gathered these data in 1971, in fact the proportion of children of working mothers who have access to regulated child care remains very low. As a result, most working parents remain highly dependent on informal, unregulated child care. Indeed, as Brockman noted, in the mid-1990s â€Å"children in informal child care arrangements accounted for eighty per cent of all child care used by parents in Canada. † (Brockman, 78-93) The federal state in Canada has addressed questions about promoting equal employment opportunities for men and women in the public sphere with relative ease but has failed to recognize that this project cannot be achieved without addressing the questions of child care that affect so many women’s working lives. While the reasons for this are complex, some insights from feminist theory may help us to begin this exploration. In recent years, a number of feminist theorists have discussed how the concept of worker-citizenship that took root as welfare states were developed in countries such as Canada did not take account of the different contexts in which women and men often assumed employment. (Pendakur, 111-120) As a result, when questions about promoting equal employment opportunities for men and women began to emerge in the 1950s and ’60s, they were framed in terms of women achieving the same opportunities as men. Indeed, Canadian have tried to develop a more nuanced concept of worker citizenship that not only respects the objective of equality of opportunity but also takes workers’ particular circumstances into account and, in the case of women, enables them to integrate their paid and caring work better. In the process, women have argued that a state that upholds the principle of gender equality must develop policies that take account of the interconnectedness of the public and domestic spheres and recognize the different contexts in which men and women often assume employment. Conclusion Nonetheless, although Canadian feminists have a long history of active engagement with the state, developed through a â€Å"visible and articulate women’s movement† that has successfully placed issues on the political agenda, the result, more often than not, has been that their demands have been contained within a limited set of reforms. As a result, those aspects of gender discrimination in the workplace that concern practices within the public sphere have been acknowledged through the introduction of anti-discrimination and employment equity policies. By contrast, women have had more difficulty getting their proposals for policies that transcend the public/ private divide, by linking questions of equal employment opportunity with those of child care, acknowledged in the federal policy arena. Despite their efforts to forge these links through two major royal commissions and other government inquiries, problems of gender inequality in employment are still primarily defined as issues located within the public sphere of employment. Without doubt, over the past thirty years there have been clear improvements in the position of women in the federally regulated section of the Canadian labor force. Nonetheless, women continue to cluster in the lower echelons of companies and organizations and remain under-represented in more senior positions. While this persistent pattern of inequality has many causes, paper shows how it reflects a federal policy process that concentrates on ensuring the comparable treatment of male and female employees once they have entered the labor market, yet, for complex reasons, repeatedly stalls on developing a more expansive approach to child care. As a result, federal policies to promote gender equality in the sphere of employment neglect the inequalities of access and participation that many women experience as they continue or resume employment once they have dependent children.

The Old Man and the Sea :: essays research papers

The book â€Å"The Old Man and the Sea† was written by Hemingway in 1951. Just as Hemingway himself said, the work is the best one he ever wrote in his life. The book was so successful that it enabled Hemingway to win the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1954. The story of is quite simple: an Cuban fisherman finally fished a very big marlin after eighty four days’ taking no fish, but the fish was too big, the old man spent three days conquering the marlin. However, on his way home, he and the big fish were attacked by a lot of sharks. At last, when he came back, only the head, tail and vertebra of the fish remained. I was really moved after reading the book. I regarded the old man as a hero. After eight four days’ taking no fish, he decided to go farther on the eighty-fifth day. When meeting a big marlin, though he knew the fish was much more powerful than he was, he still determined to fight it unless he died. Because he thought he was born a fisherman. He won, for he finally killed the fish. Just as he said: â€Å"Every day is a new day. It is better to be lucky. But I would rather be exact. Then when luck comes you are ready.† The old man had been ready very well. He had caught the chance. However, â€Å"Every day is a new day†, a pack of sharks broke all his hope. He never gave up, he fought with the sharks even after loosing his tools. This proved his bravery again, â€Å"Man is not made for defeat. A man can be destroyed but not defeated.† After the first shark took away about forty pounds of the fish, the old man said like that. I thought it also showed the topic meaning of the book. The old man really gave me a vivid lesson, not only by his heroic behaviors, but by his simple words. Isn’t it the attitude we should take forwards our lives? The old man is also very optimist at the same time. After the first shark’s attack, he said to himself â€Å"Think about something cheerful, old man. Every minute now you are closer to home. You sail lighter for the loss of forty pounds.† Other than complaining about the unfortunate things happened to him, the old man encouraged himself and used an optimist attitude to comfort himself.

Being a successful student is not difficult

Being a successful student is not difficult. Many students are trapped in their busy schedules, but few realize that being a successful student is well within everyone’s capability. The most important factor that comes in is ‘time management. ’ With regular management of time, work does not pile up, leaving more time for the student to pay attention to his/her studies rather than worry about meeting deadlines. Time management also creates an organized and well-thought-out work and study environment, encouraging the student to gain more knowledge.Mismanaged time can be devastating. It may sound exaggerated, but for a student, each minute is important. With work piling up, many begin getting worried, and it gets harder for them to work efficiently, and to their level best. With deadlines to meet, many also give in shabby and mediocre work, which eventually costs them their grades. Mediocre work has its own implications. Overall, a student’s self-esteem takes a nose dive. The cycle goes on.On the contrary, a student who does his/her work on time, with attention gets encouraged, and gets more determined to prove him/herself even better next time. Being a successful student also has a lot to do with presence of mind. Many students remain absent-minded during lectures. This results in poor understanding of the subject, and waste of time. Along with paying attention, one also needs to retain the knowledge gained. In order to do this students ought to note down things.Important points jotted down during lectures are often helpful. Students also need to read from other guide books and reference books in order to enhance their understanding of a subject. This results in through in-depth analysis. Students should also make time to study. Studying again, should be done in a most organized manner, with a deep understanding of the topic. Last but definitely not the least is the desire to be successful. Students who are motivated are always successf ul, no matter what hurdles stand in their path.

Sardar vallabhai patel

Jhaverbhai Patel was born at his maternal uncle's house in Nadiad, Gujarat. His actual date of birth was never officially recorded – Patel entered October 31st as his date of birth on his matriculation examination papers. He was the fourth son of Jhaverbhai and Ladba Patel, and lived in the village of Karamsad, in the Kheda district. Somabhai, Narsibhai and Vithalbhai Patel (also a future political leader) were his elder brothers. He had a younger brother, Kashibhai, and a sister, Dahiba.Patel elped his father in the fields, and bimonthly kept a day-long fast, abstaining from food and water – a cultural observance that enabled him to develop physical tougheness. He entered school late – parental attention was focused on the eldest brothers, thus leading to a degree of neglect of Patel's education. Patel travelled to attend schools in Nadiad, Petlad and Borsad, living self-sufficiently with other boys. He took his matriculation at the late age of 22; at this point , he was generally regarded by his elder relatives as an unambitious man destined for a commonplace job.But Patel himself harbored a plan – he would pass the Pleader's examination and become a lawyer. He would then set aside funds, travel to England, then train to become a barrister. During the many years it took him to save money, Vallabhbhai – now a pleader – earned a reputation as a fierce and skilled lawyer. He had also cultivated a stoic character – he lanced a painful boil without hesitation, even as the barber supposed to do it trembled. Patel spent years away from his family, pursuing his goals assiduously. Later, Patel fetched Jhaverba from her parent's home – Patel as married to Jhaverba at a young age.As per Indian custom at the time, the girl would remain at her mother's house until her husband began earning – and set up his household. His wife bore him a daughter, Manibehn, in 1904, and later a son, Dahyabhai, in 1906. Patel als o cared for a personal friend suffering from Bubonic plague when it swept the state. After Patel himself came down with the disease, he immediately sent away his family to safety, left his home, and moved into an isolated house in Nadiad (by other accounts, Patel spent this time in a dilapidated temple); here, he recovered slowly.Patel took on the financial burdens of his homestead in Karamsad even while saving for England and supporting a young family. He made way for his brother Vithalbhai Patel to travel to England in place of him, on his own saved money and opportunity. The episode occurred as the tickets and pass Patel had applied for arrived in the name of â€Å"V. J. Patel,† and arrived at Vithalbhai's home, who bore the same initials. Patel did not hesitate to make way for his elder brother's ambition before his own, and funded his trip as well.In 1909, Patel's wife Jhaverba was hospitalized in Bombay to undergo a major surgical operation for cancer. Her health sudden ly worsened, and despite successful emergency surgery, she died. Patel was given a note informing him of his wife's demise as he was cross-examining a witness in court. As per others who witnessed, Patel read the note, pocketed it and continued to intensely cross-examine the witness, and won the case. He broke the news to others only after the proceedings had ended. Patel himself decided against marrying again.He raised his children with the help of his family, and sent them to England and enrolled at the Middle Temple Inn in London. Finishing a 36-month course in 30 months, Patel topped his class despite having no previous college background. Patel settled in the city of Ahmedabad, and became one of the citys most successful barristers. Wearing European-style clothes and urbane mannerisms, he also became a skilled bridge player at the Gujarat Club. His close friends would include his neighbours Dr. Balwantray and Nandubehn Kanuga, who would remain ear to him, and a young lawyer, Ga nesh Vasudev Mavlankar.He had also made a pact with his brother Vithalbhai to support his entry into politics in Bombay, while Patel himself would remain in Ahmedabad and provide for the family. According to some of Patel's friends, he nurtured ambitions to expand his practise and accumulate great wealth, and to provide his children with modern education. Vallabhbhai Patel was a major political and social leader of India and its struggle for independence, and is credited for achieving the political integration of independent India. In India nd across the world, he is known as Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, where Sardar stands for Chief in many languages of India.Patel organized the peasants of Kheda, Borsad, and Bardoli in Gujarat in non-violent civil disobedience against the oppressive policies imposed by the British Raj – becoming one of the most influential leaders in Gujarat. He rose to the leadership of the Indian National Congress and at the forefront of rebellions and polit ical events – organizing the party for elections in 1934 and 1937, and leading Indians into the Quit India movement. He was imprisoned by he British government on numerous occasions, especially from 1931 to 1934, and from 1942 to 1945.Becoming the first Home Minister and Deputy Prime Minister of India, Patel organized relief and rehabilitation efforts in the riot-struck Punjab and Delhi, and led efforts to restore security. Patel took charge of the task to forge a united India from a plethora of semi-independent princely states, colonial provinces and possessions. Patel employed an iron fist in a velvet glove diplomacy – frank political negotiations backed with the option (and the use) of military action to weld a ation that could emancipate its people without the prospect of divisions or civil conflict.His leadership obtained the peaceful and swift integration of all 565 princely states into the Republic of India. Patel's initiatives spread democracy extensively acros s India, and re-organized the states to help transform India into a modern federal republic. His admirers call him the Iron Man of India. He is also remembered as the â€Å"patron saint† of India's civil servants for his defence of them against political attack, and for being one of the earliest and key defenders of property rights and free nterprise in independent India.On 29 March 1949, a plane carrying Patel and the Maharaja of Patiala lost radio contact, and Patel's life was feared for all over the nation. The plane had made an emergency landing in the desert of Rajasthan upon an engine failure, and Patel and all passengers were safe, and traced by nearby villagers. When Patel returned to Delhi, members of Parliament and thousands of Congressmen gave him a raucous welcome. In Parliament, MPs gave a thunderous ovation to Patel – stopping proceedings for half an hour.

Avoid Becoming a Victim Professor Ramos Blog

Avoid Becoming a Victim The definition of swatting is the action of making a prank call to emergency services to dispatching large amount to a particular address. Now, imagine yourself in a scenario, you’re with your family either having dinner or watching television in the living room, whatever you do with your family. Then, all of a sudden multiple loud bangs come from the door with someone shouting â€Å"police department open up!†. Confused on the matter of what’s going on you cautiously open the door with a bunch of shouts and assault rifles with lights pointed at you. Ordering you to get down they arrest you, then proceed to clearing the rest of the house. This outrageous new trend that computer hackers use the swat team as a joke or even threats to the victim has been an issue for more than 6 yrs. These hoax callers aka swatter have targeted numerous of victims such as Youtubers, streamers, celebrity’s, gamers and especially women on social media. People’s privacy s eems to be easily accessible especially from the recent issue of Facebook the ‘Cambridge Analytics data scandal’ in March of 2018. Where companies and politician were buying personal information. This shows that anyone’s information isn’t safe on social media everyone runs the chance of being swatted. Swatting made news coverage back in 2012 when no one really knew how big of a deal it would soon become in the future. Hunter Gelinas was 15 at the time when he first got swatted by the cause of online gaming on the Xbox 360. Through an online dispute, hackers are able to access other victim internet connection using their IP address from a software. Matthew Weigman was 19 years of age at the time he was arrested in Boston Massachusetts being the first to be caught for swatting 50-60 victims. Matthew made a name for himself meeting other hackers that would use their advantage of having access to their personal data to receive phone sex or else. When a woman would refuse phone sex they would â€Å"call the police in her hometown, scrambling the caller ID to conceal his identity†. (Kushner). Matthew saw this as a hobby instead of playing video games or having a social life, he enjoyed having control over others demanding what he desired. An FBI agent soon discovered him when he was a minor but would give him a chance to walk away before he turned 18. (Kushner). Now he has been locked up since 2008 and is serving 11 years in federal prison. The biggest incident was back in 2017 in December where an innocent bystander ended up died from swatting. Andrew Finch a father of two, who was shot at his front door when he moved unexpectedly, in Wichita, Kansas. The suspect, Tyler Barriss that made the hoax emergency call was a Los Angeles resident that was an approximately 1,379 miles apart from Kansas. Andrew Finch died over a game dispute that he wasn’t apart of because Tyler Barriss gave the wrong address. Since his death they passed a bill that would punish hoax callers in Kansas. U.S Rep. Katherina Clark also pushed for a bill against swatters in 2015 for Massachusetts, soon after she would experience a swatting encounter waiting for the approval to pass. U.S Rep. Ted Lieu also pushed for a bill as he too was a victim of swatting back in 2013 for Califor nia. The swatter was identified as Mir Islam, a 22-year-old that targeted celebrity’s and exposing personal data. Clark makes a valued point arguing â€Å"that federal law are needed because incidents like the one that led to Finch’s death occur across state lines† (‘Swatting’ and Punishment). There’s a lot of different laws in other states that would make prosecution a bit difficult figuring out what laws can be applied. Kevin Poulsen knows how hacking works like gathering personal data, credit cards, and tap into phone lines. He’s spent two years in federal prison and soon devoted to writing. He’s known partner’s that have made billions by others person accounts. Poulsen says that its easily to get hack software’s are being developed to make it easy for a user. Deploying the swat team spends $10,000 of handling the situation. Celebrity’s like Rihanna, P.Diddy, Ashton Kutcher and many more in 2013. How I discovered swatting was when watching a YouTuber, Jordan Mathewson aka Kootra, live stream when he says â€Å"I believe we are being swatted†. This was in 2014 when I was 16, in my head I thought it mean as a raid where he was going to get robbed but he seems like he could have been joking until you can see the police burst into the door. Nowadays everyone in any state run the risk of becoming a victim. Especially due to the fact that a bill has to pass after the incident has occurred. A couple ways to avoid being swatted is to not have personal data be on social media. Having your  credit card on auto-renewal on any gaming system would benefit hackers. There aren’t much solutions that would help police department detect whether the call is legit or not. The police force would take their job seriously no matter what. Some agents are cracking down on hackers but there’s still a majority in the states or in a different country. Annotated Bib: Talking about the fatal death of finch it explains a bit of his background. It also explains the whole meaning of swatting in a few paragraphs. I used this to have some more details of how swatting is seen in different ways. Ducharme, Jamie. â€Å"Swatting led to an Innocent Man’s Death in Kansas. Here’s What to Know about It. â€Å"Time.com, 31 Dec.2017, p.1 This article helps me understand of how much can a hacker get a hold of. Hackers are able to shut down electrical devices through their own computer using the internet. Personal data is easily accessible especially company’s. Also how the people have learned the internet since 2005 and taught themselves how to access many things. Kugler, Logan. â€Å"How a Supervillain (or a Hacker in His Basement) Could Destroy The Internet. Communications of The ACM, vol. 59, no.2, Feb, 2016, pp.18-20 This Article was also used to get me more information on Matthew Weigman. His case was informative that he openly admitted all his do wronging. He explained everything form when he was a kid that he enjoyed of what he was doing. â€Å"Individual Pleads Guilty in Swatting Conspiracy Case†, The FBI, Jan 29, 2009. Will tracking digital harassment help defend against the internet was summarize the bill that Rep. Katherine Clark. Didn’t know that Clark was swatted similar to Ted Liau. Also explaining how of states don’t have the same bill or don’t know what swatting is. Easton, Joshua. â€Å"Will Tracking Digital Harassment Help Defend Against Internet Trolls?† Christian Science Monitor, 19 Sep, 2016. SIRS Issue Researchers

Salvation on Sand Mountain essays

Salvation on Sand Mountain essays Dennis Covington writes about the snake handling rituals that go on in Scottsboro, Alabama, in March on 1992 he calls it Salvation on Sand Mountain. While going to the services held at the churches, Covington realizes that he is not only doing a story on other peoples religions, but that he is also discovering his own religion. Covington creates feelings of sympathy and disgust for the reader while he talks about snake handling in southern churches. Through Covingtons eyes the reader is exposed to his spiritual journey, family, and southern beliefs about snake handling. Covingtons spiritual journey throughout Salvation on Sand Mountain was shocking. It makes one think that the phrase everything happens for a reason really is true. His first experience in a serpent-handling church was exhilarating and unsettling (11). Compared to Covingtons small Methodist church in Birmingham, Al. the snake-handling church on Sand Mountain seemed to bring a different point of view to Covington about his spiritual life. For example, Covington stated that he wanted to experience more (11) because the services at The Church of Jesus with Signs Following always seemed to leave Covington wondering about what was going to happen next. Dennis Covington began to get closer to the congregation and he soon had a taste for handling snakes. After he became familiar with the church services, he began to invite his family to come along. Covingtons daughter, Ashley, also had an influence on Covington becoming more interested in the snake handling ritual. She was the one person that he thought would never like an act such as snake handling. Her reaction to the services startled him. The raw hillbilly music had been imprinted on her genes, like something deep within her she was remembering (114). Ashleys reaction to the ritual brought on a more determined ...